Warwick History of Violence Network Workshop

Friday 13 May 2016

S0.19 Social Sciences Building, University of Warwick

10-30 Reception and Coffee

11-00 – 11.30 – Keynote introduction

Richard Bessel (York),  Violence: A Modern Obsession

11.30 – 1-00 – Revolutionary Violence: Theory and Practice

Steve Smith (All Souls), Revolutionary violence

Philippe le Goff (Kingston), Auguste Blanqui and the question of violence

Alistair Dickins (Manchester), Rewriting a Violent Script? The Fear of Popular Unrest in the Russian Revolution, 1917

1-00 – 1-45 – Lunch Break

1-45 – 3-30 – War, Race, Drugs and Violence

Pierre Purseigle (Warwick), War, violence, and solidarity. The urban experience of the First World War

Ben Smith (Warwick), Mexican cartels and the Drugs Wars

Michael Fleming (Warwick),  Narrating antisemitic violence to the British governing class: The Weekly Political Intelligence Summary and the Holocaust.

Brendan McGeever (Birkbeck),  Antisemitic Violence and Revolutionary Politics in the Russian Revolution, 1917-1919

3-30 – 4-00 – Break

4-00 – 4-30

Summary of the Day – Future Plans

Chris Read & Jonathan Davies (Warwick)

Getting to Warwick: By car – There are a number of car parks on campus. For Social Sciences Car Parks 8, 10 and 15 are within five minutes walk. (Pay and Display – £3 for full day). Postcode for satnav: CV4 7AL

By Train: Coventry Station then taxi or bus no 12X, 11 and 11U from station forecourt –to the campus  (30 mins approx)

Full details on University website: http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/about/visiting/directions/



On #immigration in British politics

Following the recent regional elections in Germany, I was asked by The New Day, a daily newspaper recently launched here in the UK, to reflect upon the impact of immigration on British politics. Here is the edited, published (15 March 2016) version of the piece I wrote and the slightly longer original version I had submitted.



The success of the xenophobic AfD in this weekend’s elections in Germany shows the extent to which anti-immigrant sentiment is now driving national politics across Europe and increasingly in Britain.

As a European immigrant established in the UK since 2002, I have witnessed with growing concern the hardening of British public opinion on this issue. While Britain remains a wonderfully open and tolerant society, British politics are now largely driven by anti-immigration sentiment. As in other European nations, mainstream politicians have failed to confront it head-on. Back in 2007, Gordon Brown even echoed the continental far right, calling for “British jobs for British workers”. For too long, UK politicians have complacently ignored the threat of right-wing populism. But Britain is no more immune to nationalism and racism than France or Hungary are. Though the first-past-the-post system has largely kept xenophobes out the Commons, the current debate on Brexit testifies to the radicalisation of the Tory party. What used to be confined to the xenophobic rants of the Express or the Mail is fast becoming the new orthodoxy within many Conservative Party constituency associations. It is high time MPs told the incontrovertible truth about immigration: it is simply indispensable to preserve the prosperity of societies whose populations are both ageing and dwindling. Whatever the Sun and UKIP would have you believe, we immigrants didn’t steal our jobs; we earned them the hard way like everyone else in the land and we work just as hard to keep them. Likewise, we are not responsible for the parlous state of the NHS and public services. Our taxes, like yours, pay for it and we draw little from them.

Anti-immigrant sentiment does not just undermine democratic values; it also threatens our prosperity in Britain and across Europe. Ignore it at your peril.

Uma arte liberal da guerra: a grã-bretanha e a primeira guerra mundial

Ler Historia, 66, 2014, p.141-159

A Primeira Guerra Mundial forçou a Grã-Bretanha a adaptar as suas estruturas militares, económicas e políticas em função dos desafios da guerra industrializada. A transformação do seu exército – uma pequena força convencionalmente encarregada do policiamento do Império – teve um impacto considerável na cultura política liberal dominante. A guerra desafiou concepções de cidadania estabelecida e redefiniu a relação entre o Estado e a sociedade civil. Este artigo assenta numa abordagem comparativa e transnacional e procura demonstrar que, apesar do indiscutível crescimento do aparelho de Estado, a guerra não foi um jogo de vencedores e vencidos para a sociedade civil britânica. Este artigo procura neste sentido reavaliar a importância crítica do pluralismo liberal que caracterizou o sistema político britânico em tempo de guerra.

URL : http://lerhistoria.revues.org/765